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We answer by offering the text of the law. What better answer could be given? No spin. No twisting. Just straight language.archer wrote: No RT......we continue to ask questions and marvel at the 1001 ways a conservative can avoid answering them.
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major bean wrote:
You are in such a heat to spew hate that you failed to notice that is was not LJ's request, but, rather, pineinthegrass. THAT is funny!!archer wrote: I think Major Bean that post means you cannot answer LJs request that you point to where in the law it is required that we be directly threatened. Rather than making the silly little post about spinning just answer the question.
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major bean wrote:
You are in such a heat to spew hate that you failed to notice that is was not LJ's request, but, rather, pineinthegrass. THAT is funny!!archer wrote: I think Major Bean that post means you cannot answer LJs request that you point to where in the law it is required that we be directly threatened. Rather than making the silly little post about spinning just answer the question.
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major bean wrote: Hate? That is my conclusion of you drawn from the whole body of the posts that you put on these forums. I believe that it is your raison d'être.
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archer wrote:
major bean wrote: Hate? That is my conclusion of you drawn from the whole body of the posts that you put on these forums. I believe that it is your raison d'être.
And you would be wrong.....don't judge me by your own motivations.
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residenttroll wrote: MAYTAG again...by Armchair
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major bean wrote: What do you mean?! Hell, I posted the law. It is in plain English. It cannot be misunderstood. Must I re-post it?
You people are just saying that it does not say what it says. Get real!
In 1970 the House of Representatives passed by a vote of 289 to 39 a bill recognizing that the President "in certain extraordinary and emergency circumstances has the authority to defend the United States and its citizens without specific prior authorization by the Congress." Instead of trying to define the precise conditions under which presidents may use military force, the House preferred to rely on procedural safeguards.
Senators, regarding the House bill as too favorable to presidential power, decided to spell out the conditions under which presidents could act alone without Congress. Armed force could be used in three situations:
To repel an armed attack on the United States, or its territories and possessions, to retaliate in the event of such an attack, and to prevent the direct and imminent threat of such an attack.
To repel an armed attack against U.S. armed forces located outside the United States, or its territories and possessions, and prevent the direct and imminent threat of such an attack.
To rescue endangered American citizens and nationals in foreign countries or at sea.
Instead of the three exceptions specified in the Senate bill and the thirty-day limit, the conference version gave the president carte blanche authority to use military force anywhere, for any reason, for up to ninety days.
Military initiatives from presidents in the years following the War Powers Resolution reveal a glaring deficiency in the statute. The resolution is written in such a way that the sixty- to ninety-day clock begins ticking only if the president reports under a very specific section: not section 4, not section 4(a), but only section 4(a)(1). Not surprisingly, presidents do not report under 4(a)(1). They report, for the most part, "consistent with the War Powers Resolution." The only president to report under 4(a)(1) was Gerald Ford in the capture of the Mayaguez ship in Cambodia. But even in that case, his report had no substantive importance because it was issued only after the military operation had been completed.
From its legislative history, section 2(c) must be viewed as the
remnant of the Senate's long effort to define the President's war
powers in emergency situations. That effort failed. It cannot be
stated summarily that the section is inoperative, for it follows the
"be it resolved" clause, but its effectiveness is limited to the advisory
impact its words may have upon a President. It does not bind
the President, but it stands as the only statement of what Congress
believes the President's war powers authority to be.
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